Outline Thesis Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Outline - Thesis Example 1. Saline wastewater: Agro-food, petroleum and leather industries. The discharge of such wastewater continually increases in salinity and organic content. Without prior treatment, there is adversely effects on the aquatic life, water portability and agriculture (Wadvalla, 2011). 2. Menopause and ovarian cancer: the rodent ovary contains an enzyme system capable of metabolising polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. It occurs with reactivation of electrophilic intermediates known to cause cytotoxicity, mutation and cancer (Rodrik, 2009). 3. Wildlife extinction: industrial air pollution have been known to cause sickness and death of the later for over 100 years. Primary effects include direct mortality, debilitating industrial related disease, anaemia conditions, physiological stress and bioaccumulation. Some air pollutions have caused a change in the distribution of certain wildlife species (Pascual Khalil, 2014). The questionnaires were assessed by using the SPSS and that most of the people living near industrial places were affected more than those living far away from industrial places among the people in the Middle East. Most of the industrial pollution levels affects people living on the planet and r all linked to the emergence of industries. The more reason for agencies and governments t take action is because environmental degradation is at a very high rate. In addition, most countries are at the industrial stage hence developing more industries currently without view of the pollution effect. The governments and bodies in charge of the environment should act and act

The Advantages And Disadvantages Of Using Linux Computer Science Essay

The Advantages And Disadvantages Of Using Linux Computer Science Essay Easy to use,Virus free,With boot camp you can run XP or Vista on your machine, and with Parallels you can run windows programs in OS XP. Performance: While there is some debate about which operating system performs better, in our experience both perform comparably in low-stress conditions however UNIX servers under high load (which is what is important) are superior to Windows. Price: Servers hosting your web site require operating systems and licenses just like everyone else. Windows 2003 and other related applications like SQL Server each cost a significant amount of money; on the other hand, Linux is a free operating system to download, install and operate. Windows hosting results in being a more expensive platform. Less viruses: Windows currently has over a hundred thousand known viruses, while Linux has less than a hundred. Linux also uses smart authorisation management , so it requires you to authorise any action that may potentially harm your computer by entering your password. That means you are less likely to be tricked into installing malware and running virus programs, simply because it wont let you. No crashes: Windows users will be familiar with the infamous blue screen of death that greets them whenever the system crashes. In contrast, Linux users have reported uptimes exceeding over a year, which means that their computers have been continuously running over a year without a single crash or reboot. Free software: Linux users can download free software from huge repositories containing thousands of free programs and applications, from games to music players to office productivity tools. Most of them serve as free alternatives to commercial software, the most popular ones being OpenOffice and Mozilla Firefox, which replace Microsoft Office and Internet Explorer respectively. Disadvantage: Easily gets virus and or spyware.Does not come with many useful software alrdy installed.Easlity disrupted by other programs. Interface: The traditional interface for the Unix operating system is command line based, and this command line shell interface may be hostile to the casual user. Unix was developed for use by programmers and serious computer users rather than casual users. A graphical user interface (GUI) is also available, but the traditional Unix interface is command line only. Special Commands: Commands required by the command line interface often make use of cryptic naming schemes, and do not give much information to notify a user of what they are doing. Many commands in the Unix interface require the use of special characters. Small, normally insignificant typos can have much greater effects and unexpected results on Unix machines. *The Advantages and Disadvantages of Using Microsoft Windows 2003 Advantage: Abundance of Features: Windows Server 2003 added an abundance of features over the previous Windows 2000 version, including a Volume Shadow copy service. If an administrator activates this feature on a drive, the system will periodically take snapshots of all the files on that drive. This enables deleted files to be recovered easier and can enable the option of recovering an older version of a file if some data got lost. In Setup mode, it also offers a Quick Format option where you can format a specific partition of a drive instead of having to do the entire drive at once, which saves a significant amount of time. Versions Designed to Fit Needs Windows Server 2003 added an abundance of features over the previous Windows 2000 version, including a Volume Shadow copy service. If an administrator activates this feature on a drive, the system will periodically take snapshots of all the files on that drive. This enables deleted files to be recovered easier and can enable the option of recovering an older version of a file if some data got lost. In Setup mode, it also offers a Quick Format option where you can format a specific partition of a drive instead of having to do the entire drive at once, which saves a significant amount of time. Disadvantage: Cost: Windows Server 2003 added an abundance of features over the previous Windows 2000 version, including a Volume Shadow copy service. If an administrator activates this feature on a drive, the system will periodically take snapshots of all the files on that drive. This enables deleted files to be recovered easier and can enable the option of recovering an older version of a file if some data got lost. In Setup mode, it also offers a Quick Format option where you can format a specific partition of a drive instead of having to do the entire drive at once, which saves a significant amount of time. Outdated: Another disadvantage to Windows Server 2003 is that is was already made obsolete by Windows Server 2008 and then Windows Server 2008 R2. Any upgrades to the Server systems will be made off of those versions and not the 2003 option. The 2008 version features enhanced security features that make it more attractive for many businesses in the wake of ever-evolving threats such as viruses and malware infestation. There are also a number of new features and programs included. *The Advantages and Disadvantages of Using Mac OS Advantages: Security: Mac OS is a two-layered system: the attractive GUI sits atop a Unix core, and Unix is best-known for its security features. Its simply impossible to install a destructive trojan or virus unless the user explicity allows it root access via typing in the admin password. Mac OSs built-in firewall is set up to work unobtrusively out of the box as well as being highly configurable. Mac OS users should be vigilant about strange files and never allow an application they arent certain of admin access, but they dont need special anti-virus software. Reliability: Because OS X was designed from scratch from the ground up, Mac OS is incredibly stable. Apple controls production from start to finish, so every part of a Mac is designed and tested to work together. Ease of Use: Apples known for hiring the best industrial and interface designers around, and it shows in the intuitive nature of the GUI. I dont mean to sound like Im verging into fangirl territory here; its just true. Like the OSs reliability, the OSs functionality is designed to just work. The attractiveness of the interface cant be discounted. Some scoff that looks arent everything, but when youre spending 8 or more hours a day staring at a screen, its a relief to spend that time staring at a well-designed screen. Advanced users have easy command-line access with the Terminal app.. Mac OS Can Run Windows at the Same Time: Mac OS runs on Intel chips, which means you can run XP or Vista concurrently with Mac OS, with Boot Camp or Parallels software. Disadvantages: 1.os x only works on apple computers and not on other brands. 2.no games for os x as compared to windows. 3.all the best software and stuff comes for windows whereas with apple u have very little extra software and most programs will have to be from apple. 4.u cant customize os x exactly how u want it to be. 5.since u r os x on an apple computer then u r restricted to what they have to offer In my Opinion Microsoft windows is the best type which provides people with good features.

The Birthmark, Rappaccini’s Daughter, and Ethan Brand Essay examples --

The Birthmark, Rappaccini’s Daughter, and Ethan Brand Hawthorne marks his characters as potential usurpers of God who are undermined by an inability to negotiate with human chaos. Confronted with examples of imperfection or fragmentation, the scientific minds of "The Birthmark," "Rappaccini ¹s Daughter," and "Ethan Brand" attempt to efface or fuse flaws as they seek an impossible ideal of total encapsulation and order. Unsatisfied with writing a Psalm, they try to script the entire Bible. This analogy is not incidental, the three stories are all, to some extent, revisions of the Garden of Eden tale. The trio attempts to reconfigure Original Sin, either by blotting it out or by internalizing and conquering sin to the point of self-deification. The latter is particularly key for Hawthorne, a writer who crafts his prose with immaculate precision and detail, ostensibly the marks of the omniscient narrator. Yet Hawthorne concedes the impossibility of full comprehension of a character, or at least his unwillingness to seek such a conclusive appraisal, and consequently refrains from directing the reader to a similar resolution. Fragmentation runs through "Ethan Brand," so much that the story is subtitled "A Chapter From an Abortive Romance." The fragments come to resemble irreconcilable pieces of nature. Framed by images of Bartram ¹s son playing with the "scattered fragments of marble" and of Bartram shattering Brand ¹s "relicsÃ…  into fragments," Hawthorne employs the occupation of lime-burner as a central metaphor of Brand ¹s search for the Unpardonable Sin (271, 287). Brand ¹s "Idea first developed" as a reaction to the processes of his profession, in which "blocks and fragments of marble" are converted to lime (272). The ... ... had indeed found the Unpardonable Sin" (279). If Brand is unsure, perhaps Hawthorne is as well. This may explain the subtitles of inclusion, as in "Ethan Brand," or "[From the Writings of Aubà ©pine]" from "Rappaccini ¹s Daughter." By acknowledging their status as small parts of (fictitious) greater works, Hawthorne denies any possibility that each story is the final word. Instead, he embraces the fragments as individual perspectives which may or may not reveal reality. Since each perspective is faulty, the only way to assure is an impossibly "objective" view is through such a perspectival collage. This may help explain why Hawthorne wrote as many short stories collections in his lifetime as novels†¹better for a dozen or so chaotic pairs of eyes to assess truth than an authorial Cyclops, lacking depth perception. The Birthmark, Rappaccini’s Daughter Ethan Brand

Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria Essay

This development was heralded as an avenue to usher in democratic stability and good governance. However, contrary to widespread expectations, the post-military regime became an avenue for the explosion of violent ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. As a matter of fact, since the emergence of democracy in May 1999, not less than one hundred ethnically and religiously instigated conflicts have occurred in Nigeria which resulted in loss of lives and unquantifiable material and psychological damage. Drawing from documentary research and findings, this paper probes the persistent spate of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria and its harmful implications on democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It investigates the history, causes and manifestations of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria and maintains that unbridled lust for power, corruption, religious intolerance and the failure of the government to deliver democratic dividends, have resulted in these conflicts between ethnic and religious groups in the country. In the light of all these then, can democracy thrive in an atmosphere of crises? Can Nigeria come out of ethno-religious conflicts? If so, what steps can the government take to rein in the menace of these crises? Finally, the paper provides submissions for curbing this social epidemic, which has become a permanent feature of the Nigerian social polity. Keywords: Nigeria, Ethno-religious, Crises, Democracy, Development Introduction Democracy could be said to be a seed: when you sow bountifully, you reap bountifully. Thus, one of the dividends of democracy, which Nigerians have reaped in abundance since the transfer of power from the military to the civilians on May 29, 1999, is the rising wave of ethno-religious conflicts with devastating and untold consequences on lives and property (Jega, 2007: 116). Nigeria is a very populous nation in Africa with diverse cultural heritage. In fact, the country has a population of over 140 million and over 400 ethnic groups belonging to different religious sects as well (Salawu, 2010: 345). Since the attainment of independence, Nigeria has remained a multi-ethnic nation, which has been grappling with the problem of ethnicity on the one hand and that of ethno-religious conflicts on the other hand. At the inception of independence, for administrative expediency the various ethnic factions were fused and merged together by the colonialists. Then, the colonial masters left and things started falling apart, the center no longer held. No ethnic group desired to see the other. Little wonder then that the former Secretary of State at the British Colonial Office (1952-1959), Sir Peter Smitters regretted the action taken by the British to merge diverse ethnic groups into one in Nigeria. According to Ali (2004) cited in Adebayo (2010: 214), he was reported to have lamented that it was extremely dangerous to force diverse radical and social entities into single rigid political structure. However, that statement was medicine after death; the deed had been done. Indeed, a conglomerate of almost four hundred ethnic groups, each having its distinct history, language, culture and political systems before the colonial rule, all preserved in mitigated forms with the British system of governance super-imposed and named Nigeria really had future implications for unity. The colonial administration, for administrative convenience, compressed and merged the various ethnic groups in their respective regions, making Hausa/Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba the major ethnic groups and reinforced the three political/administrative divisions – the north, the east, and the west, under appropriate constitutional arrangement. At independence and post independence era, the status-quo of the colonial era was retained under that infantile freedom, with every group retaining its tradition, language, and culture while sharing the common central institutions in a federal arrangement (Adebayo, 2010: 214). As a result, these major ethnic groups, because of their opportunistic positions were seen as consistently dominating the political and economic scene before and after the attainment of independence in 1960 and this led to agitations for state creation by the other â€Å"minor† ethnic groups who saw themselves as the marginalized groups. However, the more states were created, the more the complaints of marginalization and inequality by the new minorities against the new majorities in each state (Abdullahi and Saka, 2007). Consequently, the proliferation of ethno-religious and political turbulence in the country is therefore necessitated on the one hand by cultural, communal and religious differences and on the other hand by fear of domination nursed by the minority groups. As if what constitutes the federalism is not satisfied, there have been agitations for reversing back to the old regional autonomy of the different groups for the purpose of determining the pace of their development and control of their respective resources. These pernicious phenomena of ethnicity and religious intolerance led to the incessant surge of ethno-religious conflicts, which gave birth to the many ethnic militias today like the O’dua People’s Congress (OPC) put in place by the Yoruba in the south-western part of the country to fight for the protection and defence of Yoruba in Nigeria; the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), fighting for the cessation of the Igbo ethnic tribe in Nigeria; the Bakassi Boys; the Egbesu Boys; the Ijaw Youth Congress (IYC), the Igbo Peoples’ congress (IPC); the Arewa People’ Congress (APC) and the Ohaneze Ndigbo among others. This might probably be the feeling of Elaigwu (2005: 12) when he writes †¦the violent protests in the Niger-Delta over perceived injustice in resource distribution; the Itsekiri-Ijaw violence in the Delta; the resumption of the Ife-Modakeke communal violence; the menace of Odu’a Peoples’ Congress (OPC) and the accompanying violence in Lagos and Shagamu areas; the formation of the Arewa Peoples’ Congress (APC) and the Igbo Peoples’ Congress (IPC); the MASSOB feeble attempt to resuscitate Biafra; the Sharia crisis and the demands for a confederation; the South-South demand for the control of its resources; and all the recent interethnic/religious conflicts in various states across the country are all part of the bubbles of the Nigerian federation. They are based on the historical structures of mutual fears and suspicions among Nigerian groups in a competitive process. They reflect dissatisfaction of Nigerian groups with the state of the federation. With the emergence of all these ethnic militias and the deep divide between the various ethnic groups, religious intolerance became more violent and bloody with more devastating results using the ethnic militias as the executing platforms of ethno-religious agenda. Federalism thought to be an approach to national unity, resulted to anarchy in the country. A number of steps were taken to at least mend the disunity and disarray prevalent then and promote unity among the various ethnic groups. These included the establishment of federal institutions in some states of the federation, promotion of national cultural and sporting activities, and, more significantly, the National Youth Service Programme (NYSC), just to mention a few (Adebayo, 2010). Although these steps yielded pockets of successes in achieving national unity, the â€Å"unholy† marriage of convenience of the ethnic groups still begs for irrevocable divorce. While the ethnic rivalry held sway, religious pluralism, which culminated in many crises, shook the country to its very roots. The pernicious effect of this trend is not entirely surprising given the fact that religion is so sensitive to Nigerians that many are not only ready to defend it at all costs, but are ready to die for it. Hence, religious pluralism which resulted in religious intolerance was fused with ethnic rivalry, producing the recurrent spate of ethno-religious crises. And because of the violent nature of ethno-religious conflicts, which often take the form of riots, sabotage, assassinations, lynching and maiming, kidnappings, armed struggles, guerilla warfare and secession in Nigeria, they undoubtedly pose dangerous threats to democracy in Nigeria and Africa as a whole. Yes, as Jega (2007: 116) truthfully stated, the genetically engineered seeds of democracy planted by our colonial masters and further successive military regimes have grown to mature crops for harvest. Instead of democracy yielding peace, stability and security to lives and property, it seems to have yielded a return, full circle spate of ethno-religious conflicts and violent eruptions. Thus, the discussion of ethno-religious conflicts in whatever context becomes all the more necessary given the fact that there is a phenomenal recurrence of these conflicts around the nation thereby increasing its threat level to democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this paper attempts to probe the history, manifestations and implications of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria since the dawn of democratic dispensation. Causes of Ethno-Religious Crises in Nigeria According to Awolowo (1990: 35), the notion of Nigeria as â€Å"a mere geographic expression† was engendered by the forceful packaging by colonial authoritarian fiat of unwilling communities of diverse origin and culture under the same polity. Consequently, relations and political behavior of the peoples are characterized by mutual suspicion and invidious hatred since they are strange bed-fellows, who were only coerced into the nation-state via amalgamation. Until 1960, Nigeria was a British colony. Like most colonies, it was not constructed for internal coherence, but rather for the administrative convenience of the British (Shively, 1997: 39). Over 400 different languages and dialects are spoken within its borders, and there is also an important religious split, as the north is primarily Muslim and the south is predominantly Christian, making her not only at ethno-religious crossroads but also at linguistic crossroads. As diverse as these ethnic groups are, they are also not accommodative of each other’s religion and professions of faith. This state of intolerance has added up to fuel the spate of crises in Nigeria. It should be noted that religion has always been the platform for frontal expressions of ethnic aggressions and conflict. Hence, ethnocentric politics, sectional solidarity and primordial interests became prominent features in the nation’s political practice. Sectional and individual virtues and interest rather than collective virtues and national unity are advanced and exalted. Thus, communal orientation precluded any attachment to the state and the syndrome of the ‘son of the soil’ took preference over merit and competence in the choice of policies and leaders. Although as Obasanjo and Mabogunje (1992: 4) aptly observed, colonialism provided scaffolding of holding the different communities together, not much change was achieved in altering communal mentality and predilection. Nonetheless, the persistent military incursion into government and politics did much harm for the body polity as national issues was mostly tribalized and primordial virtues extolled. These regimes had primordial outlook and sub-national mentality under which the northern part of the country was favoured brazenly, on one hand, and the southern part was deliberately dealt with in terms of appointments, contracts, location of government establishments, political oppression and repression as well as provision of social services and infrastructures. As a result, ethnic sectarianism has left a trail of destructive violence and even threatened the territorial integrity of Nigeria (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2001). Indeed, after long years of authoritarian rule, when the military clique and their civilian collaborators privatized the Nigerian state (Ukiwo, 2003), politicians in the emergent Fourth Republic were all too anxious to claim control of the state and its oil wealth as well. This thus led to an unbridled competition for political relevance and spheres of interests among politicians, especially in the context of the division of the country into geopolitical zones, states and local governments and the fact that distribution of benefits among the political class depended on the ability of each member of the ruling class to deliver his constituency. This lust for power has led to the neglect of the needs of the masses and the demand for peaceful co-existence. Instead, the rulers continue to enrich their pockets through corrupt dirty means and seek for elongation of tenures for selfish gains. In the circumstance, ethnicity, religion and other sectarian identities are exploited, resulting in avoidable violent conflicts among component units of the country. The persistence of mass poverty and increasing income inequality, largely as a result of the transformation of the fortunes of politicians and their allies from jobless neighbors to emergency billionaires in less than two years after capturing power, have deepened popular alienation. It has also called into question the legitimacy since 1999. Consequently, some of the easiest things to do in contemporary Nigeria are to mobilize an assassin, vigilante, ethnic-cum-religious militia, rioter, crowd or rented pro-government demonstrator. The result could only be imagined. The power lust of the political cliche is one of the perceived causes of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria. Another reason responsible for ethno-religious crises in Nigeria is the wrong interpretation by those who claim authority to the understanding of the holy books. If not so, one wonders why people act contrary to the teaching of the holy books (whether the Quran or the Bible) in matters pertaining to peaceful co-existence, unity and sanctity of life, and property. As it is a serious disease for someone who does not have a full grasp of the interpretation of any of the holy books to claim authority to knowledge, many of the so called ‘religious leaders’ use their shallow knowledge to put up interpretations to suit their selfish ends banking on the ignorance of their followers. Lamenting on the wide gap between the teaching and practice of religion among its adherents, Adebayo (2003) cited in Adebayo (2010: 219) identified some factors responsible for using religion as instrument of polarization, among which is leadership tussle, which also culminated in the proliferation of many denominations in the country. Also, sectarian jingoism, as well as excessive patriotism to one’s religious sect, which consequently transformed to fanaticism, is another major factor contributing to this social menace. Salawu (2010) also noted that the failure of the Nigerian leaders to establish good governments, forge national integration and promote what can be called real economic progress, through deliberate and articulated policies, has led to mass poverty and unemployment. This has resulted into communal, ethnic, religious and class conflicts that have now characterized the Nigerian nation. Poverty and unemployment have therefore served as nursery bed for many ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria because the country now has a reservoir of poor people who warmongers as mercenary fighters. What this means theoretically is that poverty and unemployment increase the number of people who are prepared to kill or be killed for a given course at token benefit. This explains why all ethno-religious crises that ever occurred in Nigeria have a large turnout of people (including the under-aged) as fighters. Lastly and very importantly, and not the least, the ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria also have some historical antecedent (Salawu, 2010). This is because many governmental actions during the colonial rule and after independence encouraged, to a large extent, the sowing of the seeds of ethno-religious conflicts that are found to be rampant in the Nigerian nation today. Over the years, many events in Nigeria have led to the politicization of mistrust, intolerance, violence and acrimonious relations between the mainly Moslem north and the Christian south of Nigeria. To this extent, there has been an unfortunate insertion of ethno-religious discrimination and incompatibility in the structures of the Nigerian State since the colonial period. The political events of the January 15, 1966 coup and the July 1966 counter-coup further entrenched ethno-religious configuration in Nigeria. This is because the killings and counter-killing that followed the coups which took ethnic and religious colorations as the Muslim dominated tribes in the north were set against the Christian-dominated tribes of the southern region.

Progressive Presidents Essay

At the start of the 19th century, a new era had begun that would forever change the course of American history. This new era was known as the Progressive era; an era of change amongst the common worker and the powerful giants of industry. Two major leaders that occupied this specific moment in time were Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. However, these prominent men had contributed much to the efforts of the progressive movement; each one had different personal views that dictated their approach. This paper attempts to compare and contrast these men’s progressive ideas apart from their actions. We will start with Woodrow Wilson, in his inaugural speech, he had addressed changes in the government to show favor towards the popular Party (Wilson, 1913). Wilson explains, by asserting that the nation desires the Party to interpret and change the nation’s designs and views. He claims that now the government and the nation’s job are to cleanse and correct the carele ssness and ills conveyed about by the country’s industrialization (Wilson, 1913). Wilson also touches on the matters that need settlement, which extends from the need to adjust the foreign tariff, the banking strategy, the industrial scheme, and the agricultural strategy. He also discusses how the government desires to protect its people’s lives with sanitary regulations, untainted food regulations, and work regulations. He stresses that there will be repairs in the financial strategy, and that â€Å"Justice, and only fairness, shall always be our motto† (Wilson, 1913). With Theodore Roosevelt’s Progressive platform, he called for the direct election of United States senators, woman suffrage, reduction of the tariff, and many social reforms. Roosevelt, who served as the 26th president of the United States from the years of 1901 to 1909, he commenced on an energetic campaign as the party’s presidential candidate. A key point of his platform was the â€Å"Square Deal.† This was Roosevelt’s concept of a society based on fair business competition and increased welfare for needy Americans (Bowles, 2011). Despite Wilson’s measured successes in labor, child labor, banking, business, and farming reforms during 1914 and 1915, his New Freedom was a disappointment amongst woman and African Americans. In 1916, Wilson began pushing for a multitude of reforms that were in part motivated by the upcoming election. The reforms included the Federal Farm Loan Act, the Adamson Act, the Keating-Owen child labor law, and support for women’s suffrage. After, 1916, Wilson accepted much of Roosevelt’s New Nationalism, supporting greater federal power and regulation. However, as America soon began sending military to intervene in the war in Europe, this action ended his reform ambitions (Roosevelt, 1911). Roosevelt had his successes and failures as well. Roosevelt brought about change in the meat packing industry with the Meat Inspection Act and Pure Food and Drug Act, which is due to the work of Upton Sinclair (Roosevelt, 1911). However, like Wilson, he would fail to achieve any changes for women and African Americans. This occurred because of growing criticism and his belief in African American inferiority. As for women, he did not bring about their right to vote. It would not be until the ratification of the 19th amendment during Woodrow Wilson’s presidency that the suffrage movement reached its goal (Roosevelt, 1911). When Roosevelt’s time in office ended, he felt his chosen predecessor, Taft, would lead the country and carry on the progressive movement. Throughout his years as president, Roosevelt increasingly disapproved of his methods, and choices. One of those choices that angered him was when Taft transferred over 1 million acres to private industry. All this came to a head when Roosevelt sought to gain the Republican nomination to run for president in the 1912 election, supersedes Taft. However, Roosevelt lost the nomination, and decided to run for president anyway by forming his own party, the Bull Moose Party. Even though Wilson became the president, he stole enough votes to make sure Taft had no change in winning (Bowles, 2011). For years to come the work, Roosevelt and Wilson in the Progressive era helped to improve American life, business and make it safe and a competitive market. These two presidents met the problems head on created by industrialization and urbanization that the government had not yet addressed. Each of them brought a slightly different approach to the concept of trusts, big business, and improving the life of the everyday person, although, they were successful in establishing new precedents in the way which the federal governm ent would regulate these new reforms.